Crisis? Which crisis? – Politics Weekly podcast

The first week following Britain’s vote to exit the EU has seen crises on several fronts. Joining Tom Clark to bring order to the chaos are Jonathan Freedland, Nick Cohen, Ewen MacAskill, Libby Brooks, Jill Treanor and Philip Oltermann

A prime minister on his way out, a Brexit without a contingency plan, the markets in turmoil and an opposition in meltdown.

It’s been a chaotic week in British politics.

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People will look for a scapegoat

So British Jews take their place alongside Londoners, Scots and the Northern Irish as people who bucked the trend and voted solidly - by 58 per cent to 32 per cent according to today's JC poll - to remain in the European Union.

I'm not surprised. Back in March I wrote on these pages that I expected most of our community to back Remain. Everything I saw over the following months confirmed that hunch.

I chaired a few communal events and the consensus in the room was overwhelming each time: most Jews felt safer and more comfortable with staying in.

Of course, Jews had myriad, individual reasons for their decision, just like anyone else. But a couple of what were inescapably Jewish motives kept coming up.

The first was the argument that formed the emotional core of the Remain case, though it was put all too rarely: Europe is a continent blooded by war, especially in the 20th century but for a thousand years before that.

The European project was consciously born of the desire to end that millennium of bloodshed and sorrow. Rather than fighting each other, the peoples of Europe would settle their differences around a negotiating table.

For Britain to leave would be to pull out one of the three guy ropes - the other two being Germany and France - that had kept the European tent upright. And if the EU were to unravel, the risk was real that Europe could revert to type, and return to war once more. That would be a calamity for all Europe's peoples. But Jews have a particular and intimate knowledge of what conflict in Europe can bring.

Second, Jews took a good look at who stood ready to welcome a Brexit. Outside the UK, the list was not encouraging: Vladimir Putin, Marine Le Pen, Donald Trump and every far right racist and populist in continental Europe. In the UK, the advocates were, admittedly, less disturbing. Boris Johnson and Michael Gove have many Jewish admirers - and I heard the smoked salmon entrepreneur Lance Forman make a spirited case for Brexit, recalling the fact that he was the child of Holocaust survivors, at a Vote Leave rally in Billingsgate four days before referendum day. Even so, I suspect many Jews struggled to be reassured by the presence of Nigel Farage and George Galloway in the Leave camp.

More substantively, Jews could not help but notice the centrality of immigration to the Leavers' case. Of course, Jews are not immune to misgivings about migration. But I suspect that those with long memories shudder when they see a poster like the notorious one unveiled by Farage during the campaign: a snaking queue of dark-skinned refugees under the slogan, "Breaking Point." We didn't need it pointed out to us that just such an image had been a staple of Nazi propaganda.

Now that the verdict is in, it seems that Jewish angst about Brexit is deepening: the JC poll found that 37 per cent of us feel less safe. No wonder. First, Jews have seen the upsurge in racist attacks - hate crimes up by 57 per cent in the immediate aftermath of Brexit – and will have felt that old certainty that people who hate the dark or the different rarely make an exception for Jews.

Second, they will have seen the likelihood that the Brexit vote will lead the Scots to seize the independence they spurned in 2014, and will perhaps prompt Northern Ireland's exit from the UK too. That will leave a shrunken United Kingdom, which should be a source of regret for Jews.

The union of four different nations has been a comfortable home for us, a place hospitable to hyphenated identities. Because you could be Scottish and British or Welsh and British, it has long felt very easy to be Jewish and British. In a little England and Wales? We'll see.

But it's the economic instability that will have plenty of Jews worried. Not chiefly because of their own, narrow interests, but because of the nagging memory of what happens when factories close, jobs are cut and currencies plunge: people look for a scapegoat.

For years, Britons have had the EU and those meddling Brussels bureaucrats to blame. Once we're out, there'll need to be someone else, some other sinister force, some other conspiracy, that can be held responsible. We Jews have seen that movie before: we know how it ends.

The young put Jeremy Corbyn in, now they should push him out | Jonathan Freedland

The Labour leader and his team were guilty of ‘deliberate sabotage’ of the remain campaign. Members should remember this if they’re asked to re-elect him

Let’s get one thing straight. The blame for last week’s Brexit vote rests with David Cameron – both for calling a referendum for which there was no widespread public demand, purely to manage internal strife within the Conservative party, and for the way he timed and framed that vote. Blame belongs too with the leave campaign, who won their mandate on a false prospectus – dishonestly promising that a British departure from the EU would bring a £350m weekly windfall to the NHS and would halt EU immigration. Bogus promises which won over many millions of voters but which were cheerfully discarded within hours of victory. History will not forgive them.

Let’s get another thing straight. What matters most in the coming months and years is the reshaping of Britain’s relationship with the European Union. For that reason, it matters who will be doing the reshaping – which is why the contest for the Tory leadership is significant. Compared to both of those, the current psychodrama of the opposition Labour party is a mere sideshow.

Corbyn, McDonnell and their inner circle betrayed the hopes of the generation that believed in them most

Related: Corbyn sabotaged Labour’s remain campaign. He must resign | Phil Wilson

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‘We thought this would be the end of us’: the raid on Entebbe, 40 years on

It was the most daring rescue mission of a generation, with a cast that included three future prime ministers, Idi Amin and more than 100 hostages. How did it shape modern Israel?

On 4 July 1976, the day the US celebrated its 200th birthday, an Israeli expat took a phone call that would change his life. A student in Cambridge, Massachusetts, he went by the name Ben Nitay, an Americanised shortening of the original, the better to fit into the land where he hoped to forge a business career and build a life. On the phone was his younger brother, calling with grave news. It concerned their older brother Yonatan, or Yoni. As children, they had idolised him; he was the one who led their games, who, they felt, had raised them. Then 30 years old, ruggedly handsome and newly installed as the head of Israel’s elite Sayeret Matkal commando unit, Yoni had, in the early hours of that day, led a raid to rescue more than 100 Israeli hostages held at Entebbe, Uganda. Word had just come that the operation had been an astonishing success and the hostages were free. But the leader on the ground – Yoni – had been killed in action. Their brother was dead.

And so, while the people around him watched marching bands and held street parties to mark America’s bicentennial, and while the world marvelled at the sheer audacity of a military raid that defied all odds, Ben Nitay – born Binyamin Netanyahu – made the seven-hour drive to Cornell University in Ithaca, New York, where his father was teaching. The 26-year-old was determined to break the news to his parents himself.

He opened the cockpit door to find a hijacker armed with a revolver and a hand grenade

One general began turning an enormous globe slowly before asking a colleague, 'Are you sure you know where Entebbe is?'

Related: The Arab-Israeli conflict

When it came to audacious missions, with stealth flights and the element of surprise, Entebbe seemed the best precedent

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For the 48%, this was a day of despair | Jonathan Freedland

Soon we will become little Britain. The signs of Regrexit are cold comfort for those of us who voted to remain

On the eve of the vote, as if this were the first act of an Elizabethan drama, a mighty storm thundered over the capital city. It seemed a tempest was raging as the kingdom prepared to decide its fate.

A little more than 24 hours later, we learned of our decision. For some, that has meant jubilation. Witness Nigel Farage’s call for 23 June to become a public holiday: independence day. But for those of us who wanted to remain – the 48%, as we shall now be known – it felt like a bleak midsummer. After the initial numbed shock has come sadness, alarm and, at times, despair.

Related: A pyrrhic victory? Boris Johnson wakes up to the costs of Brexit

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We have woken up in a different country | Jonathan Freedland

For the 48% who voted to remain, and for most of the watching world, Britain has changed in a way that makes the heart sink

We have woken up in a different country. The Britain that existed until 23 June 2016 will not exist any more.

For those who ran the leave campaign – and for the clear majority who voted to leave the European Union – that is a cause for celebration. This, they insist, will be remembered as our “independence day”. From now, they say, Britain will be a proud, self-governing nation unshackled by the edicts of Brussels.

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We must remain: my final plea to the undecided | Jonathan Freedland

One day before the biggest political decision of our lifetimes, and around 10% of the electorate are still undecided. Here are five compelling reasons to vote remain

It’s the last day of a campaign that feels long and bitter, the final stretch of a debate that has been brewing in this country for decades. There are two camps whose positions are fixed. Yet in the middle stands a group of people, 10% or more of the electorate, who are still undecided. If you are one of that 10%, or if you know one of them and want to make a last bid to shift them towards voting remain, here are five closing arguments for what, both sides agree, is almost certainly the biggest political decision of our lifetimes.

Related: Farage’s poster is the visual equivalent of Enoch Powell’s ‘rivers of blood’ speech | Jonathan Jones

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If you inject enough poison into the political bloodstream, somebody will get sick | Jonathan Freedland

Contempt for politicians has been on the rise for years. But this EU referendum campaign has torn away at the veil that divides civility from mayhem

For weeks, months and years, “politician” has been a word more spat out than said. MPs have been depicted as a form of pond life, routinely placed on the lowest rung of the ladder of esteem, trusted less than estate agents and journalists, the butt of every panel show gag, casually assumed to be venal, mendacious, vain, stupid or malevolent.

“They’re all as bad as each other,” we say. “They’re only in it for themselves.” “You can’t believe a word they say.” These complaints are repeated so often, we barely notice them. They’re like moans about the weather, presumed to warrant no disagreement.

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