In his anger, Cameron has made Britain a toxic brand | Jonathan Freedland

The prime minister rages at the EUs £1.7bn bill, but his miscalculations have lost Britain vital allies in Europe

Anger suits David Cameron. Its one of the modes he does well. He is skilled at contrition his Bloody Sunday apology was the moment he became, rather than merely held the office of, prime minister but fury is his forte. The cheeks colour, the fist pounds the podium, the words turn plain and demotic. On Friday he channelled the voice of middle-aged men everywhere as they open a brown envelope to discover an unexpected demand for cash. Im not paying that bill, he said, the face puce. Its not going to happen.

The sceptical will say Cameron was play-acting, that he cant really have been surprised by the European commissions demand that Britain top up its contribution by an extra £1.7bn to reflect the UKs better than realised economic performance over the past two decades and cough up by 1 December. Treasury officials have known this was in the works for months. Still, even if this was no October surprise, Cameron had to turn his facial setting to purple. He couldnt afford to be out-angered by Nigel Farage. With the Rochester byelection looming, a Tory-Ukip showdown, the right of British politics has become an auction of rage: two parties competing to display more vein-bulging ire at Brussels.

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Stern fellows remember Ben Bradlee: ‘Like everyone else, I was in awe of him’

Each year, the Laurence Stern fellowship welcomes a young British journalist for an internship at the Post. Eight former interns recall Bradlees charm, charisma and his good looks

Of the many legacies of the late Washington Post editor Ben Bradlee, perhaps none has had so great an impact on British journalism as the Laurence Stern fellowship. The fellowship, which welcomes a young British journalist for an internship at the Post each summer, was established following the death in 1979 of its namesake editor, a top newsroom talent and one of Bradlees closest friends. Stern had a fascination with all things English, according to the National Press Foundation, which manages the award.

The Guardian has asked former Stern fellows many of them now senior Guardian journalists to share their memories of their time at the Post, and of the man himself.

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Isis and Ebola: the twin threats that reveal our impotence | Jonathan Freedland

In our sense of terror, Islamic State and the virus feed each other. But from airports to airstrikes, the response is glaringly inadequate

They are dark, unseen enemies, come from far away and they are scaring us witless. Isis is not a disease, and Ebola is not a terror organisation. But fear is their common currency: intentional for one, inevitable for the other. Today they can seem to be working in tandem, a pincer movement paralysing the worlds governments as it terrifies the worlds people. Each time one advances, the space for the other expands.

From the vantage point of the west, the similarities are obvious. It starts with a menace that was once obscure and understood by few, with a name that keeps shifting (is it Isis, Isil or IS?) or a pronunciation that is uncertain (is it ee-boh-la or ebb-ola?), and which suddenly becomes all-pervasive, threatening catastrophe.

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Nigel Farage is the Captain Mainwaring of our time | Jonathan Freedland

Ukips rise, like the return of Dads Army, suggests a nation still yearning for the days when it stood alone

Not sure about Toby Jones as Captain Mainwaring. Im not convinced he has the face for that permanent look of puffed-up exasperation. Bill Nighy as Sergeant Wilson feels right: they share the same faded elegance. I can see Nighy matching John Le Mesuriers patient forbearance sigh for sigh. Sir Michael Gambon as Private Godfrey? Far too grand, Id have thought.

Such is the fate of the remake, destined to be compared in every particular with the original. So it will be with the coming film version of Dads Army, announced this week. For the true fan, no remake can ever match up to the remembered sometimes hazily remembered perfection of the real thing. Its like trying to re-enact a childhood day out. Far better to leave it intact, as a cherished memory.

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Too much out in the cold

It is the festival of exile. I know the notion of wandering and of a temporary home is built into the very idea of Succot, but that's not what I mean. Rather, it's the weather. The prospect of eating and sleeping outdoors, with only the slimmest canopy of leaves between you and the stars - and doing that in October - makes no sense in most parts of the world where Jews live. It's a stiff test of endurance in Stamford Hill or Brooklyn.

But there's one place where it feels easy and comfortable: Israel. Which is why Succot is a reminder that the Jewish calendar is designed for collective life in a specific terrain, the place where most Jews still don't live.

Not for the first time, Succot has seemed to bring a change in the weather and the start of autumn. Which prompted, perhaps inevitably, a last, lingering look back at the summer. I've been thinking in particular about my summer holiday.

It was in Greece, a week on an island, another week in the mountains and forests of the north. Perhaps it's my own lack of imagination, but the place kept reminding me of somewhere else. The heat, the dusty roadsides, the sparkling Mediterranean, the salads: it was, I decided, Israel without the conflict.

It's a thought that carries more than a tinge of melancholy. In Amos Oz's magnificent tour of his country, In the Land of Israel, the novelist visits the modest port town of Ashdod. He sees families out for a stroll, kids licking ice creams, a few pensioners listening to folk melodies and, for a moment, he allows himself to think that this might be Israel's future.

A modest, unspectacular place - not too different from, say, Portugal or even Greece - where people are allowed to live out calm lives in the sunshine. The melancholy comes when you remember that Oz wrote that book more than 30 years ago.

The Greek economy may be battered, but the country is not at war. Ashdod and Israel are not so lucky.

Which is perhaps why so many Israelis flock to Greece on holiday: it has the lure of home, without the grief. I overheard Hebrew again and again during those two August weeks, as the war in Gaza wound down. On one rafting trip, our little dinghy was shared with an Israeli family. In amateurish Hebrew, I struck up a conversation with the father.

He was obviously surprised, then admitted that they had not exactly been advertising their nationality on this vacation. "You don't know what people are going to think of Israel," he said ruefully.

I've heard of Israelis who try to pose as generic Mediterraneans or even Scandinavians, rather than risk the ire of those hostile to their country. And this, too, is melancholy.

Philip Roth has written of the British Jewish habit of dropping the volume when uttering the word "Jew" in public places. It's meant as a classic marker, and failing, of diaspora life: the embarrassment, or even shame, of one who is not fully accepted.

And yet this is felt not only by Jews in exile but by the Jews of Zion, at least when outside their country. The Zionist revolution was meant to change all that. Its goal was not to liberate land, but to liberate people - the Jewish people.

And yet I can't help but reflect on how incomplete that revolution remains. Israel's borders remain unfixed, the land is not at peace, its people cannot state their collective name out loud without fear.

What the Greeks, and nearly everyone else, take for granted, is still out of reach.

Scrapping human rights law is an act of displaced fury | Jonathan Freedland

The Tory plan to break with the European court is all about blunting Ukips bayonets channelling rage that should be aimed elsewhere

Its the spelling mistake that gives the game away. Like a twist in a fine legal thriller, a single misplaced letter in the Conservatives newest policy document, announcing a plan to scrap the Human Rights Act, reveals the true nature of the exercise. It confirms that, for all the legal veneer, this is strictly politics not law. More than that, it is the latest example of a kind of displaced fury fast becoming the defining motif of politics in Britain and beyond.

So what was this telling error of spelling? The Tory paper titled, in traditional Orwellian fashion, Protecting Human Rights in the UK (just as a blueprint for selling off the NHS would doubtless be called Keeping the Health Service Safe) refers to legal judgements. The sharp-eyed barrister and blogger Carl Gardner spotted the problem right away. Lawyers tend to use the spelling judgment for whats given in court, he wrote, and judgement for the personal quality many non-judges and not all judges have. The spelling used suggests no lawyer has been involved in drafting the document.

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Jonathan Freedland on antisemitism: Britain’s Jews don’t necessarily support what Israel does video

The Huffington Post UK's Mehdi Hasan and the Guardian's Jonathan Freedland discuss Islamophobia and antisemitism at a Guardian Live event at the Royal Institution in London on 15 September. Here, Jonathan speaks about the separation of Jewishness and Zionism and how Britain's Jews should not be held accountable for the actions of Israel, with which they do not always agree

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David Cameron has fired the election starting gun | Jonathan Freedland

The prime minister has left Conservatives feeling they hold the advantage after a fortnight of duelling party conferences

The phoney war is over. The campaign for 2015 has begun. On Wednesday, in what may well have been his sharpest, most effective speech since becoming prime minister, David Cameron fired the starting gun. In the process, he lodged at least a couple of deadly bullets into the flesh of his Labour opponents. The result whatever the polls might say is that after a fortnight of duelling party conferences, Camerons Conservative troops believe they are marching towards a contest in which they now hold the advantage.

Thats partly down to what the prime minister did in Birmingham. But it owes just as much to what Ed Miliband failed to do a week ago. Indeed, the two are intimately linked. For Camerons speech was like a finely glazed, elegantly decorated doughnut: it was constructed around a gaping hole, namely the gap left for him by the Labour leader last week.

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